By: Okoi Obono-Obla Kano has long been regarded as a pivotal hotbed of Nigerian politics, beginning from the colonial period an...
By: Okoi Obono-Obla
Kano has long been regarded as a pivotal hotbed of Nigerian politics, beginning from the colonial period and continuing through the post-independence era. Its strategic location, vibrant economy, and deeply rooted cultural identity made it a focal point for political mobilization and contestation. During colonial rule, Kano emerged as a center of nationalist agitation, where traditional institutions and modern political movements intersected. In the post-independence years, the city maintained its reputation as a political stronghold, producing influential leaders and serving as a battleground for ideological debates that shaped Nigeria’s democratic journey. The political dynamism of Kano reflects not only its historical significance but also its enduring role in the broader narrative of Nigerian governance and statecraft.
In the First Republic, which began in 1960 when Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom and lasted until 1963 when the country attained Republican status with the coming into force of the 1963 Constitution, Kano became a hotbed of oppositional politics. The battle for supremacy was fought between the conservative Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and the radical Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), founded by Aminu Kano. While the rest of Northern Nigeria remained under the firm control of the NPC, Kano stubbornly resisted, and an epic struggle for control ensued between NPC and NEPU partisans until the military toppled the government on 15 January 1966.
When democratic order was restored in 1979, most Northern states came under the control of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), an offshoot of the NPC. However, Kano and Kaduna turned left, embracing the leftist Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), itself an offshoot of the defunct NEPU. This shift was so significant that President Shehu Aliyu Usman Shagari, though victorious in the presidential race, failed to secure 25% of the total votes cast in Kano State, denying him an outright win.
This led to the famous case of Chief Obafemi Awolowo v. Alhaji Shehu Shagari (SC.62/1979). Awolowo, candidate of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), challenged Shagari’s declaration as president, arguing that he had not met the constitutional requirement of winning one-quarter of the votes in two-thirds of the states of the federation. The crux of the dispute was the interpretation of “two-thirds of 19 states.” Awolowo contended that Shagari needed to win in 13 states, while Shagari’s camp argued that two-thirds of 19 equaled 12 2/3, meaning that partial compliance in a 13th state sufficed.
The Supreme Court, in a split decision delivered on 26 September 1979, upheld Shagari’s victory. The majority, led by Chief Justice Fatayi-Williams, adopted a pragmatic approach, ruling that Shagari’s performance in 12 states plus one-third of the votes in the 13th state (Kano) satisfied the constitutional requirement. Justice Kayode Eso, however, delivered a powerful dissent, insisting that the Constitution required victory in 13 full states, not a mathematical fraction. This ruling remains one of the most debated judgments in Nigeria’s constitutional history, illustrating how Kano’s political resistance directly influenced national jurisprudence.
Even when the NPN swept the polls in the 1983 general elections, Kano State refused to follow the bandwagon, electing Senator Barkin Sawo of the PRP as governor until the military once again aborted democratic rule on 31 December 1983.
Kano State remains crucial because its voting strength, which can surpass that of at least four other states combined, has the potential to turn the tide in a tightly contested presidential election, as anticipated in 2027. This explains why pundits consistently highlight Kano as a high-stakes arena in Nigerian politics.
With the recent defection of Governor Abba Yusuf, along with nearly 24 members of the Kano State House of Assembly, 13 members of the House of Representatives, and 44 chairmen of Kano State Local Government Area Councils from the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), analysts expect this seismic shift to significantly impact voting patterns in the 2027 general elections, particularly at the presidential level. This possibility has already sent jitters through the ranks of opposition strategists.
Conclusion:
From the colonial era to the present day, Kano has consistently defied political conformity, carving out its own path as a bastion of opposition and ideological contestation. Its voting strength and political unpredictability ensure that Kano will remain a decisive factor in Nigeria’s democratic journey, with the 2027 elections poised to reaffirm its enduring influence—just as the Awolowo v. Shagari case once demonstrated how Kano could shape not only politics but also constitutional law.
@ Okoi Obono-Obla
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